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Accountability In Administration To Efficiency Effectiveness Politics Essay

Accountability in pubic disposal is really of import facet to be taken attention in every state. The unity, transparence and accountability are basic rules of public disposal and authoritiess must hold a cheque and balance methods to look into their bureaucratism for their unity and honestness. These rules must be adopted and exercised in the state every bit good as in public disposal. The accountability must be done in disposal for holding transparent and built-in authorities system. Transparency refers to the dependable information maintaining and supplying citizen services of the state and unity refers to the honestness and doing certain that is no corruptness in public and citizens traffics and besides no abuse of powers by the public decision makers.

Public decision makers and province caputs must develop accountability standards and the procedure of accountability must be just and non one sided. All public decision makers and political leaders must be cognizant of these regulations and ordinances to stay by so that there are no failings in the procedure which can be taken for granted by the public retainers and politicians. The first basic measure in accountability procedure in public disposal is to acknowledge the efficaciousness of power. The power or authorization is necessary to transport out any development plans and transparence, unity and accountability can non be obtained by merely cutting powers of decision makers ( McKinney and Howard, 1998 ) .

There is another issue with power that the battle for achieving more and more powers between administrative officials, if non eliminated, this struggle can be taken as advantage in future. Accountability is a complex procedure instead than merely undertaking the maltreatments but this pattern is indispensable to achieve governmental and public ends. Public trust on sections and authorities is really of import in a democratic state and this can be merely achieved by holding a just and strong accountability procedure in the state. When some public officer misuses its powers and he utilize these powers for himself alternatively of utilizing for public service bringing. This besides breaks trust of citizens towards public decision makers and the authorities itself. The unethical determinations and Acts of the Apostless performed by the public functionaries are besides accountable. The other types of issues in public disposal which may originate are faulting of mistakes on other officer so himself, leaking confidential information, manufacturing time/quality/quantity and studies, misusing of disbursals allowed, taking gifts/favors in exchange of penchant or personal benefits to clients, taking unneeded yearss off and taking excess clip for interruptions like tiffin and dinner etc are some illustrations of Acts of the Apostless by public decision makers which must be accountable for guaranting unity and transparence ( Gordon and Milakovich, 2009 ) .

Efficiency and effectivity are of import in public disposal. Efficiency and effectivity is desired in every facet of public disposal like use of financess by revenue enhancement remunerators efficaciously and efficiency of use must be careful, constructive and productive for the populace. Effective public disposal and services are of import because this respond good to the public demands and in a timely state of affairss which are besides the political demands of the regnant authorities and follow such low cost efficient and effectual procedure which are good targeted, honest, transparent and harmonizing to the public involvement of the state.

Efficiency refers to achieving a end with least possible cost and resources which is besides of import to public disposal. It is ever much more needful to be done in public services and disposal than before with disbursement least resources and accomplishing more and more productiveness. Effectiveness refers to do certain the work done is harmonizing to public demands, accountability procedure is carried out and democratic procedure is observed ( Box, 2009 ) .The determinations made in public sector are harmonizing to demands of public which are concluded by the treatments of citizens, detecting issues, developing policies and regulations, and pull offing public decision makers to implement these services and plans.

Public disposal can be effectual and efficient if the procedures adopted by public decision makers are efficient, fast and harmonizing to demands of the authorities and public. E-government procedures bring efficiency and effectivity in the populace sector by minimising the clip scales on public degree and inter-department communicating and procedures. E-government enables the public decision makers and sections to offer citizen service through one chink and their cherished clip saved. E-government includes online services provided to citizens of the state. This increases the efficiency and effectivity in passing public money and for right intent ( Cloete and Petroni, 2005 ) .

In decision, efficiency and effectivity are two basic rules of public disposal which must be present in any successful disposal. Public decision makers who make their policies with audience of public, see their demands and besides take feedback about their policies are successful and passing public money candidly, efficaciously and faithfully. The disbursement of public money must be done harmonizing to citizens demands and different tools can be adopted for happening what public needs and requires by the authorities and public disposal. Public services must be delivered efficaciously and expeditiously so that there most of the end product can be achieved with the public money and resources.

The legitimacy of the administrative province claims that it offers chances to community battle and besides provides a method for scientific determination devising. Rohr ( 1986 ) emphasized that the blending of executive, legislative, and judicial powers are aligned harmonizing to the separation of powers in a democratic community. He argued that the legitimacy of the administrative province was originally meant for American Senate. It provides a sustainability and permanency to the authorities system of America and playing a balance function in different constitutional sections of the state authorities. It besides focused on the restrictions present in representations in the House of Representatives.

The legitimacy of the administrative province empowers future public decision makers for playing their ain independent function by choosing one of constitutional Masterss where might be clash with one another ( Spicer, 2007 ) . Rohr worked on two basic rules: the people of the state if follow bastard powers and this is go oning in present political environment, a legitimate province must be present to avoid such things. The inquiry of legitimacy of the administrative province was emerged two centuries ago. The legitimacy was questioned because the fundamental law was non supplying base for such an organisation.

Legitimacy can be accomplished by the province itself by concentrating on how it functions and advancement for back uping statute laws and authorities. It was supposed before that elected members of the house policy devising activities and other relevant activities with evolvement of such policies and how these activities are carried out to show the legitimacy of the disposal every bit good as authorities itself. Bureaucratic legitimacy is based on the scientific method and professionally. To guarantee legitimacy in the administrative province, administrative staff plays their portion professionally and forte.

Citizens must swear authorities because the legitimacy can merely be achieved in this instance. The legitimacy of the public administrative province can be accomplished by agencies of expertness, public service, leading qualities, and vision. Public decision makers are responsible for the legitimacy of the province by holding direct communicating with the community by utilizing their bureaucratic expertness, vision of the authorities, political leading and best public service bringing. The legitimacy of the administrative province brings the sustainability to the state and finally to the province itself.

In decision, the legitimacy of the administrative province is the duty of the public decision makers. They must present effectual citizen services with honestness and guaranting that the vision of the authorities is achieved. These attempts bring the legitimacy of the province in position point of the people of the state. The province is considered as stable and strong in footings of its fundamental law and legislative actions. The legitimacy of administrative province besides empowers the authorities to carry through their policies and people who elected them to the house must swear them to convey legitimacy.

The Politics/Administration Dichotomy thought was suggested by Woodrow Wilson in his article `` The Study of Administration '' . This article is considered as the base of public disposal. The duality offers an digesting image to elected political members, public officers, and pupils of the public disposal. This depicts the existent issues of policy and disposal determinations which struck in authorities. Politicians or elected members are apt to do policies agenda and determinations on policies and public retainers are apt to administrator plans and supplying public services to the community. This duality is meant for extinguishing political relations in the authorities sections and go forthing politicians to do policies who are elected members by people of democratic state.

This has been observed that it is effectual to make boundaries of public disposal and developing a normative relationship between the public decision makers and elected politicians in a democratic community ( Svara, 1998 ) . Wilson 's suggested that a duality must be present between findings of authorities policies must be via political relations while its enforcement must be non-political disposal. He besides emphasized on public sector attack of concern like and scientific discipline of disposal. These all formed the public disposal early 1940 's. This politics-administration duality was used already in Europe a century earlier.

It is observed that Wilson essay sing politics-administration duality is equivocal ( Sapru, 2006 ) . It presented for the first clip in American history which focused on the needed scientific and systematic survey of public disposal. His politics-administration duality besides urged on professional instruction which is of import of higher instruction to convey professional bureaucratism in the state. By following this duality he appointed on the partizan footing and connote his political power to back up his policies and plans. He besides successful to convey image of authorities where decision makers were dependent on political and partizan main executive of the state by following attack of centralisation and executive leading while leting decision maker to administrator the internal direction affairs by giving discretional powers.

Brownlow ( 1956 ) was a celebrated adviser of public disposal affairs praised the thought of politics-administration duality presented by Woodrow Wilson. In his essay he wrote that Wilson laid a foundation for the survey programme which is for everyone in the state who is interested in art or scientific discipline of public disposal. In the modern epoch, Woodrow Wilson 's function in the public disposal is non denied. However, it might be argued whether he is laminitis of the public disposal or merely a dominant personality for the growing of public disposal in America. Wilson 's essay about the public disposal was portion of the disposal and political relations as the societal, political and rational agitation till the nineteenth century. This essay presented the thoughts on how to undertake the quickly changing American economic system, societal and political-administrative order.

The issue of representation is present across the Earth in public disposal. This issue comprises on gender, race, or ethnicity factors. The public disposal of any state must be comprised of all races, genders and cultural groups. The effectual representative bureaucratism offers a public disposal of all people in footings of demographics so that true representation of all groups is involved in determination doing procedure of the public disposal and authorities. The active representation occurs in bureaucratism when they represent the positions of those with similar demographic backgrounds ( Kellough, 2010 ) .

The representation issues must be tackled down to increase public services quality. Female representation is another major issue in public disposal. Because females can merely understand better what females of the state demand and what policies must be developed to do certain that the populace services are offered efficaciously and expeditiously. The demographic diverseness must be present in the public functionaries for undertaking diversified issues like spiritual, cultural, gender or any other demographic issues. Poor people must be provided with their representation in public disposal and authorities so that all representatives of the community are present. If there is no representation of the hapless than there are opportunities that policies are made merely for the landlords, business communities and corporations. The black people representation is really less in American authorities and public disposal sections and these besides created jobs for black community. This deficiency of representation evolved many jobs and the trust of black people broken on authorities ( Mosher, 1994 ) .

The representation issues are more emerged when there are immigrants and these people representation is non present in the disposal. This besides creates miscommunication and does non develop trust relationship among immigrants and the public disposal. Similarly, the race, cultural and gender issues creates such jobs. The communicating spread bears obstacles in developing a trust relationship among authorities, disposal and public. The effectivity and efficiency is besides compromised due to such environment. The representation must be harmonizing to the demographics of the state, province and local degree. All people must hold their proper representation. Females must hold their ain representation in the public disposal every bit good as in House of Representatives so that all policies and regulations are made harmonizing to the demands of the females in the state. Minorities must besides be represented in the authorities and in public disposal so that the Torahs must be aligned harmonizing to their beliefs and spiritual independency non compromised.

The end for the responsible public decision maker is to convey up the ethical state of affairs of the public retainer and develop originative contemplation of this state of affairs while non merely puting down the public service values ( Cooper, 1990 ) . This emphasized on how the public retainers are responsible to move ethically and non to take advantage of their powers. Besides, public decision makers must act ethically during their public service and make the value-based determinations during while executing their responsibilities. The responsible public decision maker must cognize how to move in a state of affairs where the right action versus the incorrect action and in some instances, right action against the right action. The determinations for such actions must be ethical no affair what environment is and besides harmonizing to values of the authorities concern.

Cooper 's model provides a solid base for all facets of public disposal involved in determination devising and do certain that the public decision maker must equilibrate the professional, personal, and organisational values. This model enables the public retainers while they are executing their responsibilities to take determinations neutrally and ethically. Their determinations must be harmonizing to the regulations and ordinances of the authorities and must non go against any political and governmental regulations. The model non merely literate the public decision makers about moralss, in fact it demands the actions ethically and practically impersonal.

In decision, the responsible public decision makers are of import for the democratic authorities and citizens of the state because these decision makers take determinations on all public and national affairs neutrally and ethically and besides take attention of their actions must be harmonizing to the jurisprudence. The democratic authorities must be successful if they have responsible public retainers because there are the people who act upon the authorities determinations. The democratic authorities merely succeeds by just drama and the public decision makers are one of cardinal participants of this just drama. These decision makers take determinations based upon actions which are right and valuable for community and the state instead than merely determination devising.

Accountability

Accountability a word that is most frequently used and has several significances, to give an illustration is duty, culpability, liability and other footings. Accountability can be used is many topographic points such as work, place and even on a conflict field, it can besides be used for small things for case `` taking a piece of paper from one finish to another '' you are responsible for that piece of paper its status and whether or non it gets to it finish. Or large things such as taking forces from one finish or another, because you are responsible for there safety and guaranting you have everyone that is going with you from start to complete agencies you are responsible for there warfare.

There are times where I was accountable for forces, paper work and other things. For case I one time worked at Del Taco as a crew member I was responsible for cleansing, money and proper nutrient handling, cleaning wise I was accountable for doing certain that the anteroom was swept mopped tabular arraies wiped down and public toilets cleaned. Money, I was accountable for the hard currency. I besides worked for McDonald & apos ; s as a director I was accountable for the whole shop, my crew the money, doing certain that interior and out was safe for my crew and clients. There were besides the duties that I had to depute to my crew ; they were accountable for there responsibilities but I was accountable for following up on them. The occupation was non easy but it had to be done.

At its root, accountability involves either the outlook or premise of account-giving behaviour. The survey of history giving as a sociological act was foremost explicitly articulated in a 1968 article on `` Histories '' by Marvin Scott and Stanford Lyman, although it can be traced every bit good to J.L. Austin & apos ; s 1956 essay `` A Supplication for Excuses, in which he used excuse-making as an illustration of address Acts of the Apostless. Communications bookmans have extended this work through the scrutiny of strategic utilizations of alibis, justifications, rationalisations, apologies and other signifiers of history giving behaviour by persons and corporations, and Philip Tetlock and his co-workers have applied experimental design techniques to research how persons behave under assorted scenarios and state of affairss that demand accountability.

What is accountability, truly?

Let’s start with the definition: To be accountable is to be “liable ; called to account ; answerable” . A equivalent word is “responsible” . Look closely at the definition, and you will observe there are two participants involved, the one accountable for his/her actions and the one to whom he is accountable. To genuinely be accountable requires action from the authorization keeping you to reply for your actions or deficiency of actions. Therefore, you can be listed on a program or “to do” list as being the one responsible, but if there are no effects for non carry throughing your committedness, so are you truly being held accountable? I think non.

Key Findingss

Current negociating places reflect deep historical and ideological divisions—particularly between developed and developing countries—that will necessitate to be overcome by constructing trust and experimenting with new sorts of relationships. Developed states have been acute to construct on bing fiscal establishments they have shaped and traditionally controlled. Developing states are wary of these same establishments, which they see as historically holding advanced subscriber involvements and theories of development, through both the formal and informal exercising of giver power.

At the international degree, the pick between reforming traditional development bureaus, such as the GEF, U.N. Development Programme ( UNDP ) , the U.N. Environment Programme ( UNEP ) , and MDBs, and making new fiscal mechanisms will raise issues of institutional economic system and effectivity. In order to bring forth a greater sense of trust and ownership, angels of bing bureaus may hold to accept a grade of duplicate of bing capacity through the creative activity of new mechanisms—particularly where important spreads in capacity are identified—and to accept reinforced lines of accountability of clime finance mechanisms to the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties ( COP ) . On the other manus, those naming for the creative activity of new establishments may necessitate to profess that it may blow cherished resources to retroflex the staff and services provided by bing bureaus.

Balancing the functions of international and national establishments will besides affect tradeoffs. Traditional development bureaus have gained the trust of subscribers by seting in topographic point systems to both step and manage impacts of their investings. Developing state receivers, nevertheless, have been frustrated by the bureaucratism and the focal point on generic instead than country-specific concerns that these systems can bring forth. Many developing states will probably fight to convert subscribers that their national establishments have the capacity to pull off large-scale development finance without the support of development bureaus. Notably, a figure of developing states are taking stairss to construct and beef up this capacity and will necessitate support to make so.

Delivering clime finance at graduated table, at least in the short term, will probably affect multiple mechanisms, both new and reformed. This is true because of the complex political relations of the international dialogues and the differing positions of legitimacy held by subscribers and givers. The urgency and complexness of presenting financess at graduated table argues for traveling frontward, at least in the close term, with the establishments that we have, and puting in the strength and quality of COP counsel and national planning processes to guarantee coordination and coherency. This experience should so steer the design and operation of the new establishments that will go necessary as the graduated table of resources grows.

Policymakers must hold on ways to diversify the beginnings of clime finance and to de-link them from the levers of informal power. If existing establishments are to run into evolving criterions of legitimacy, so their cardinal administration constructions, every bit good as their operational processs, will necessitate to be reformed to give greater voice to developing state receivers. If formal grants of power are to take to the effectual exercising of that power, the international community must besides do greater attempts to place beginnings of gross, such as new levies or longterm committednesss, that are independent from the discretion of subscriber authoritiess.

It is necessary to construct the capacity of non-state histrions and civil society to supervise clime finance administration. Civil society groups at all degrees can and are playing an of import function in monitoring and act uponing decision-making within clime finance financess. But they need to busy such infinites more efficaciously than they have to day of the month by monitoring and prosecuting in more inclusive decision-making procedures with proficient asperity and authorization. However, “representation” of nonstate histrions can be a really hard issue—civil society is diverse with widely differing positions.

Near- and medium-term clime finance should concentrate on beef uping national establishments. A following coevals of clime investings should advance the duty of receiver states by beef uping the national establishments that will implement extenuation and version activities and by guaranting their transparence and accountability to citizens within states, every bit good as to the international community. While it is of import that development bureaus provide proficient support to national establishments, they should work in closer partnership with national stakeholders. It will be peculiarly of import to prosecute with stakeholders outside of authorities, including the private sector, independent research establishments, and civil society. Such coactions can assist guarantee climate finance proposals more suitably reflect national fortunes and precedences.

It is of import to pull from the lessons learned from decennaries of development finance to construct national establishments that reflect universally recognized rules of good administration. Traditional finance and development establishments have decennaries of experience—both good and bad—in interpreting internationally agreed upon dockets into national and local investings. National establishments should pull from these experiences and be designed and supported to run in conformity with cosmopolitan rules of good administration. Strong commissariats for accountability should be put in topographic point, including sound fiducial direction, anticorruption steps, and grudge mechanisms and review processs that guarantee conformity with environmental and societal criterions and precautions.

Executive Summary

The 2009 Copenhagen Climate Summit left unsolved major inquiries about how to fund lowcarbon development in developing states. In a high-ranking political declaration—the “Copenhagen Accord”—developed states agreed to “provide new and extra resources. nearing USD 30 billion for the period 2010–2012” and to a end of jointly mobilising USD 100 billion a twelvemonth by 2020 from both public and private beginnings, to turn to the demands of developing states. As the dialogues on a planetary clime trade continue, dissension remains on how much of these financess will come from public or private beginnings and whether these one million millions should be delivered through new or bing establishments. There is besides het argument over whether a individual centralised establishment or a decentralized attack that coordinates international, regional, and national establishments would be more effectual.

Although there are many fluctuations in authorities places, loosely talking, developed states favor a significant function for bing establishments, such as the multilateral development Bankss ( MDBs ) that they have funded and led for the past 60 old ages. Developing states prefer new establishments, reasoning that bing 1s favor the involvements of subscriber states and hold failed to present on promises to back up poorness relief and sustainable development. The on-going dialogues on a planetary clime trade reflect this “northsouth” gulf. Despite these differences, one thing is clear: if the institutional agreements entrusted with pull offing new flows of clime finance are to win in raising the needed resources and in puting these resources efficaciously, they will necessitate to be perceived as legitimate by both subscribers and receivers.

The full study seeks to anchor the argument on the hereafter of clime finance in an nonsubjective analysis of bing attempts to finance clime extenuation and version in developing states. The writers step back from the inquiry of which establishments should be entrusted with new flows of clime finance to analyze alternatively how authoritiess can plan a clime fiscal mechanism in a manner that is widely perceived as legitimate. We identify three important dimensions of legitimacy: power, duty, and accountability ( see Box A ) . While these three dimensions interrelate and overlap, we have found them to supply a utile analytical model to analyse and steer picks in institutional design.

We review the administration constructions, operational processs, and records to day of the month of 10 international and national fiscal mechanisms, with mention to these nucleus dimensions of legitimacy, to pull lessons for future institutional agreements ( see Box B ) . We place particular accent on the experiences with the Global Environment Facility ( GEF ) , which, in operation since 1994, is the longest helping runing entity of the United Nations Framework Covention on Climate Change ( UNFCCC ) fiscal mechanism. In add-on to the GEF, we review experiences from the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol, in operation since 1990, which is frequently referred to as a theoretical account for future financess. The staying financess reviewed are much newer and give more penetrations with respect to plan, instead than operation.

We recognize that perceptual experiences of the legitimacy of a fiscal mechanism are inherently subjective and that this subjectiveness is revealed in the really different penchants expressed by subscriber and receiver states. We believe, nevertheless, that if authoritiess were to discourse the dimensions of legitimacy more explicitly, the bets and the tradeoffs would go more evident, and a more shared apprehension on how to plan a legitimate fiscal mechanism would emerge. We believe that the failure, therefore far, to turn to the distribution of power, duty, and accountability more explicitly has led to a proliferation of fiscal mechanisms that are underfunded, which in bend leads to calls to make new mechanisms.

We conclude that a new planetary trade on clime finance is likely to significantly redistribute power, duty, and accountability between traditional subscriber and receiver states. Most significantly, the power of emerging economic systems to command clime finance mechanisms will turn, as will their duty and accountability for the public presentation of these establishments. In visible radiation of the dramatic alterations in planetary political relations and the planetary economic system in past decennaries, this redistribution seems both long delinquent and necessary to supply the footing for a successful planetary partnership on clime finance.

Peoples, Power, and Accountability

I believe that an consciousness of turning inequality—“the specifying challenge of our clip, ” harmonizing to President Obama—has created this involvement. This consciousness, and the harm inequality causes, is apparent in a recent International Monetary Fund study on growing and inequality, and in books such as Joe Stiglitz’s The Price of Inequality: How Today’s Divided Society Endangers Our Future. Investors, corporations, and societal enterprisers want to hold societal impact. They all need to cognize what that value is. What’s certain is that the donees of organisations that are presenting societal impact aren’t driving this involvement. Yet when people talk about societal impact, they talk about the importance of donees. This began with “participatory evaluation” and became “stakeholder involvement” in attacks such as the Global Reporting Initiative. Meanwhile, organisations such as Keystone Accountability began concentrating on integrating the voices of donees in mensurating impact and, in a recent SSIR article, Tris Lumley of NPC argued for “understanding the lives of donees through research, experience, intuition, and every tool we have at our disposal.”

Avoiding a Global `` Race to the Bottom ''

`` Ownership Democracy '' : This means that bulk ( 51 % ) should govern. There should be mechanisms both for control and alterations of control to guarantee, for illustration, that defence steps are sanctioned by a bulk. `` Periodic Reendorsement of Control Restrictions '' : The possibility of self-imposing limitations/restrictions to command constructions ( understanding rights, pre-emptive rights, . ) should be available provided they are originally enacted, and sporadically reendorsed, by a bulk. `` No Institutional Self-denial '' : Mechanisms whereby companies control themselves either straight ( self-denial ) or indirectly ( subordinates having portions in parent, cross and round ownership within same group ) should be banned: they are unhealthy by definition. `` Equal Opportunity for Stockholders '' : This rule ensures that all stockholders are treated reasonably in that they all benefit from value creative activity either as receivers of dividends/stock grasp or as stock Sellerss in a coup d'etat bid.. `` Common Transparency ~ All stakeholders should be accountable to each other ; specifically, full revelation of direction histories, free entree to stockholder lists, revelation of stockholders understandings, per centum retentions above certain thresholds and the similar should be common pattern in all Member States. `` No Internal EC-Discrimination '' : Executing a coup d'etat in any of the Member States should be possible for any EC company under an `` equal national intervention '' rule. `` Common Front to non-EC Countries `` . Equally far as operable, Member States should follow a common policy vis-a-vis non-EC companies geting in the EC.

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